Foreign Agents Are Too CLOSE To Trump

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Something has to be done about this, as quickly as possible, and as soon as possible. The revelation that Jason Miller, a former advisor to President Donald Trump, has secured a $150,000 monthly contract with the Indian Embassy—totaling a staggering $1.8 million annually—represents a blatant and disturbing intrusion of foreign money into the heart of American political influence. Signed in April 2025, this deal, registered under the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA), tasks Miller with shaping U.S. policy and public perception toward India, even as the Trump administration imposes aggressive 50% tariffs on Indian goods. This is not an isolated incident but a glaring symptom of a deeper rot: the insidious use of foreign cash to manipulate American democracy, particularly when it inches so perilously close to the Oval Office.

The timing and proximity of this arrangement to Trump’s administration are nothing short of alarming. Miller, a key figure in Trump’s inner circle, is now a paid mouthpiece for a foreign government, leveraging his connections to sway Congress, the administration, and the American public. This raises serious questions about the integrity of U.S. policymaking, especially as trade tensions with India escalate. The optics are disastrous: a former Trump loyalist pocketing a fortune to lobby on behalf of a nation facing punitive tariffs suggests a potential conflict of interest that undermines the very notion of national sovereignty. If foreign governments can buy influence so easily from those with direct access to the president, what hope is there for policies driven by the American people rather than foreign agendas?

This is not a new phenomenon, but its brazenness near Trump’s orbit amplifies its threat. Historically, foreign lobbying has been a shadowy yet pervasive force in Washington. During the Obama era, Indian IT firms quietly funneled money to prominent Democrats to push for outsourcing policies, a move that eroded American jobs under the guise of economic partnership. Similarly, in the 1930s, American public relations guru Ivy Lee whitewashed Nazi Germany’s image for a hefty fee, showcasing how far back this practice stretches. More recently, the Clinton Foundation became a conduit for foreign donations, with millions pouring in from nations like Saudi Arabia and Qatar, allegedly in exchange for access to U.S. political elites. These examples illustrate a disturbing pattern: foreign money buys influence, erodes democratic accountability, and prioritizes overseas interests over those of American citizens.

The broader issue of foreign influence peddling in American policy is a cancer that demands immediate eradication. According to a 2023 report by the Center for Responsive Politics, foreign governments spent $2.3 billion on U.S. lobbying between 2017 and 2022, with India’s expenditures doubling since 2019. This escalation reflects a calculated strategy by nations to bend U.S. policy to their will, whether through trade negotiations, military alliances, or geopolitical posturing. The use of firms like SHW Partners—previously a minor player with a mere $40,000 lobbying record in 2020—further exposes how foreign cash can inflate obscure entities into powerful proxies overnight. Such arrangements bypass traditional checks and balances, allowing foreign powers to dictate terms on issues like tariffs, immigration, and even global conflicts, all while American voters are left in the dark.

The ethical rot extends beyond individual greed to systemic vulnerability. The FARA framework, intended to regulate foreign agents, has proven woefully inadequate. While Miller’s contract is registered, the lack of stringent enforcement means foreign governments can still operate with impunity, exploiting loopholes to flood the system with cash. This is particularly egregious when the target is a figure as influential as Miller, whose ties to Trump could sway decisions on critical issues like India’s purchase of Russian oil or its stance on China. The potential for backroom deals to override national security interests is a ticking time bomb, one that threatens to explode with every new contract signed.

Critics might argue that lobbying is a legitimate part of democratic engagement, even when foreign entities are involved. They would point to the economic benefits of international cooperation or the necessity of diplomacy in a globalized world. But this defense crumbles under scrutiny. When foreign money buys access to policymakers, it distorts the democratic process, turning elected officials into puppets of overseas paymasters. The average American has no voice against the deep pockets of a foreign embassy, and the result is a government that serves foreign elites rather than its own people. The $1.8 million annual price tag on Miller’s services is a slap in the face to every taxpayer who expects their representatives to prioritize national interest.

The solution requires bold action. Congress must overhaul FARA with stricter penalties, transparency requirements, and real-time monitoring to prevent foreign cash from infiltrating political circles. A ban on former administration officials lobbying for foreign governments within a decade of their service could sever the revolving door that enables such corruption. Additionally, public funding for campaigns could reduce the reliance on foreign-influenced donations, leveling the playing field for candidates who refuse to sell out. These measures are not just desirable—they are essential to reclaiming American democracy from the clutches of foreign influence.

The Jason Miller scandal is a wake-up call. It exposes the vulnerability of Trump’s administration and the broader U.S. political system to foreign manipulation. If left unchecked, this trend will erode the foundations of self-governance, turning the United States into a playground for global powers willing to pay the highest price. The time to act is now, before the next contract is signed, before the next policy is sold, and before the American people lose their voice entirely.